NYT Blather
The New York Times says...
These days America finds itself at once uniquely strong and vulnerable, the only superpower and a target of envy, hostility and suspicion around much of the globe. The Bush administration has clearly been tempted to go it alone in this new environment, dodging any international undertakings that the United States does not completely control.
Perhaps the NYT would prefer if we abdicated authority to those with "envy, hostility and suspicion" throughout the world. That our president acts in our interests is a good thing. The Belgians didn't elect him, we did.
President Bush has shown skill in working with Russia and other nations to put together a coalition to fight terrorism. But there are other critical problems in the world, some equally important to our own future and others of pressing concern to the people whose good will we need to fight terror abroad. They include global warming, proliferation of nuclear and biological weapons, fighting infectious diseases like AIDS and malaria and assuring the prosecution of war criminals. The United States does not rule the world, and the administration needs to think more creatively and strategically about how this country works with the rest of the planet. A dash of humility might be a help, too.
Humility for whom, Mr. Raines? You can lecture the US about global warming just as soon as you come clean on the responsibilities of the rest of the world for their own messes. Starting with China would be a good start. Plenty of content there. As for proliferation of nukes and biological weapons: what the hell do you think Bush is doing? Iraq, Iran, North Korea...ring any bells here, morons? AIDS? Not exactly our fault, people, and yet we've raised more money for a cure for this plague than we have for heart disease. Oh, yes- malaria. Three letters: D D T. While the ecopessimists were busy protecting the world from this "scourge", millions throughout the world died from a disease which might have been containable, if not, preventable. Finally, the Europeans can focus their time and energy on the prosecution of war criminals; we're much more interested in winning the war, first.
A vocal segment of Mr. Bush's core right-wing constituency constantly urges the administration to steer clear of international agreements that it sees as a threat to our sovereignty. Its targets range from a still-unratified 1980 agreement protecting women against political and economic discrimination and physical abuse to the brand-new International Criminal Court. Mr. Bush's willingness to listen to this group is likely to grow more pronounced as he positions himself and the Republican Party for the Congressional elections this fall and the presidential campaign in 2004.
"Right-wing","protecting women"," discrimination", "abuse." Boiler plate. And yet..
The president's concerns about international accords are understandable, if not necessarily justified. Some countries take delight in embarrassing America, and when the United States joins in a compact to combat a social malady like racism or sexism, other members may prefer looking for flaws in the superpower's own performance to recognizing egregious violations of human rights by others. The conference on racism last year in South Africa, which degenerated into a food fight over whether to equate Zionism with racism, was a good example of how counterproductive international efforts can be if they fall prey to regional political agendas.
Does that mean we're still the bad guy?
But in all the years during which the United States has taken part in international accords, examples of anti-Americanism run amok are few and far between. The United States does need to protect itself and its citizens from the possibility that smaller nations will gang up on Americans just because they suddenly find they can. But there is a vast space between that kind of reasonable caution and the administration's current attitude.
Anyone in New York disagree with that assessment?
Encouragingly, the White House now appears willing to draw back from its threat to veto further United Nations peacekeeping operations as part of its continuing campaign against the new International Criminal Court. But the administration showed a reckless willingness to jeopardize these valuable missions. Meanwhile, its misguided opposition to the international court continues.
These "valuable missions" were taking place before the ICC came along. It is the ICC and it's insistence upon absolute authority over foreign nationals which has endangered the viability of future and current missions. Not the other way around.
The White House's response to global warming has been thoroughly discouraging. It fears that an international effort to limit greenhouse gases would have an impact on the American economy, which is probably correct. The United States, with just 5 percent of the world's population, emits 25 percent of those gases. Reducing those levels cannot be done without some sacrifice. But the rest of the world is right in demanding that we accept the responsibility and make the effort nonetheless. If the United States wants to be the political and moral leader of the world, it has to comply. The administration has had plenty of time to offer serious alternative proposals for reducing those emissions. Instead, it has simply walked away from the global effort.
First of all, the science is still very much in question on this issue. The degree to which GW is happening, the role of future technology, natural weather cycles, and many other contributing factors are still unknown to us. Advocating a highly intrusive policy without proper consideration of the role the economy will play in solving the dilemma is also foolhardy. Until we know more, holding off on Draconian measures which might devastate our economy is quite sensible.
The administration takes the spread of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons dangers extremely seriously, to the point of threatening pre-emptive military attacks. Yet military action can provide, at best, only a partial answer. Keeping these weapons out of the hands of Iran, Libya or Al Qaeda depends heavily on upholding the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and strengthening the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and the Biological Weapons Convention, efforts the Bush administration has opposed. The White House is right when it argues that some countries sign treaties and then break their word. The answer is better enforcement, not abstention.
These treaties fool no one anymore. Least of all the rogue nations who violate them. The Times further lecturing us on the need for stronger enforcement is too laughable to address.
Washington has been inexplicably miserly in the global effort to combat H.I.V./AIDS and other infectious diseases. The U.N. is seeking an extra $7 billion to $10 billion annually, of which Washington's fair share would be about $2.5 billion. America's actual contribution is one-tenth that amount.
Fair share? That we find it objectionable to fund the UN in this endeavor is not an indication of our unwillingness to help poor sick African children. We just don't trust the UN to spend money. Given their track record, why should we?
Global leadership requires more than visionary statements and forceful American actions. Washington needs to be a leader, not a spoiler, in efforts to build international cooperation.
Memo from NY Times Editorial Staff to US: Quit fighting the efforts of outside interests to contain us. Go along, get along. We don't deserve what we have.
These days America finds itself at once uniquely strong and vulnerable, the only superpower and a target of envy, hostility and suspicion around much of the globe. The Bush administration has clearly been tempted to go it alone in this new environment, dodging any international undertakings that the United States does not completely control.
Perhaps the NYT would prefer if we abdicated authority to those with "envy, hostility and suspicion" throughout the world. That our president acts in our interests is a good thing. The Belgians didn't elect him, we did.
President Bush has shown skill in working with Russia and other nations to put together a coalition to fight terrorism. But there are other critical problems in the world, some equally important to our own future and others of pressing concern to the people whose good will we need to fight terror abroad. They include global warming, proliferation of nuclear and biological weapons, fighting infectious diseases like AIDS and malaria and assuring the prosecution of war criminals. The United States does not rule the world, and the administration needs to think more creatively and strategically about how this country works with the rest of the planet. A dash of humility might be a help, too.
Humility for whom, Mr. Raines? You can lecture the US about global warming just as soon as you come clean on the responsibilities of the rest of the world for their own messes. Starting with China would be a good start. Plenty of content there. As for proliferation of nukes and biological weapons: what the hell do you think Bush is doing? Iraq, Iran, North Korea...ring any bells here, morons? AIDS? Not exactly our fault, people, and yet we've raised more money for a cure for this plague than we have for heart disease. Oh, yes- malaria. Three letters: D D T. While the ecopessimists were busy protecting the world from this "scourge", millions throughout the world died from a disease which might have been containable, if not, preventable. Finally, the Europeans can focus their time and energy on the prosecution of war criminals; we're much more interested in winning the war, first.
A vocal segment of Mr. Bush's core right-wing constituency constantly urges the administration to steer clear of international agreements that it sees as a threat to our sovereignty. Its targets range from a still-unratified 1980 agreement protecting women against political and economic discrimination and physical abuse to the brand-new International Criminal Court. Mr. Bush's willingness to listen to this group is likely to grow more pronounced as he positions himself and the Republican Party for the Congressional elections this fall and the presidential campaign in 2004.
"Right-wing","protecting women"," discrimination", "abuse." Boiler plate. And yet..
The president's concerns about international accords are understandable, if not necessarily justified. Some countries take delight in embarrassing America, and when the United States joins in a compact to combat a social malady like racism or sexism, other members may prefer looking for flaws in the superpower's own performance to recognizing egregious violations of human rights by others. The conference on racism last year in South Africa, which degenerated into a food fight over whether to equate Zionism with racism, was a good example of how counterproductive international efforts can be if they fall prey to regional political agendas.
Does that mean we're still the bad guy?
But in all the years during which the United States has taken part in international accords, examples of anti-Americanism run amok are few and far between. The United States does need to protect itself and its citizens from the possibility that smaller nations will gang up on Americans just because they suddenly find they can. But there is a vast space between that kind of reasonable caution and the administration's current attitude.
Anyone in New York disagree with that assessment?
Encouragingly, the White House now appears willing to draw back from its threat to veto further United Nations peacekeeping operations as part of its continuing campaign against the new International Criminal Court. But the administration showed a reckless willingness to jeopardize these valuable missions. Meanwhile, its misguided opposition to the international court continues.
These "valuable missions" were taking place before the ICC came along. It is the ICC and it's insistence upon absolute authority over foreign nationals which has endangered the viability of future and current missions. Not the other way around.
The White House's response to global warming has been thoroughly discouraging. It fears that an international effort to limit greenhouse gases would have an impact on the American economy, which is probably correct. The United States, with just 5 percent of the world's population, emits 25 percent of those gases. Reducing those levels cannot be done without some sacrifice. But the rest of the world is right in demanding that we accept the responsibility and make the effort nonetheless. If the United States wants to be the political and moral leader of the world, it has to comply. The administration has had plenty of time to offer serious alternative proposals for reducing those emissions. Instead, it has simply walked away from the global effort.
First of all, the science is still very much in question on this issue. The degree to which GW is happening, the role of future technology, natural weather cycles, and many other contributing factors are still unknown to us. Advocating a highly intrusive policy without proper consideration of the role the economy will play in solving the dilemma is also foolhardy. Until we know more, holding off on Draconian measures which might devastate our economy is quite sensible.
The administration takes the spread of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons dangers extremely seriously, to the point of threatening pre-emptive military attacks. Yet military action can provide, at best, only a partial answer. Keeping these weapons out of the hands of Iran, Libya or Al Qaeda depends heavily on upholding the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and strengthening the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and the Biological Weapons Convention, efforts the Bush administration has opposed. The White House is right when it argues that some countries sign treaties and then break their word. The answer is better enforcement, not abstention.
These treaties fool no one anymore. Least of all the rogue nations who violate them. The Times further lecturing us on the need for stronger enforcement is too laughable to address.
Washington has been inexplicably miserly in the global effort to combat H.I.V./AIDS and other infectious diseases. The U.N. is seeking an extra $7 billion to $10 billion annually, of which Washington's fair share would be about $2.5 billion. America's actual contribution is one-tenth that amount.
Fair share? That we find it objectionable to fund the UN in this endeavor is not an indication of our unwillingness to help poor sick African children. We just don't trust the UN to spend money. Given their track record, why should we?
Global leadership requires more than visionary statements and forceful American actions. Washington needs to be a leader, not a spoiler, in efforts to build international cooperation.
Memo from NY Times Editorial Staff to US: Quit fighting the efforts of outside interests to contain us. Go along, get along. We don't deserve what we have.